Unix (1679 words) Essay Example For Students

Unix (1679 words) Essay Unix?UNIX was the first operating system designed to run on ?dissimilar computers by converting most hardware specific commands in machine language into an independent programming language called ?C,? Jon Wolfe writes in the Nashville Business Journal. (Wolfe 29) UNIX was the basis of ATTs telephone system and the governments wide area network system. Then it became the basis of communication between engineers and scientists, and eventually the basis of communication for everyone worldwide (World Wide Web (Web)). It has held this remarkable spot since 1969. However, in the 1990s there are competitors in the market, namely, Microsoft Corporation with its Windows NT product. But UNIX-based software suppliers are not just turning over and letting the competitors win. UNIX supporters are many, and UNIX remains, and will remain a major player in the marketplace. We will write a custom essay on Unix (1679 words) specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now The unique advantage of the UNIX operating system when it was introduced was that it could (and still does) run on dissimilar machines, unheard of prior to 1969. UNIX also can run more than one program at a time, store complex graphics and databases, and link to other UNIX and mainframe computer systems, including DOS since the late 1980s. UNIX-based systems control various programs written by many companies to distribute information between multiple computers within the network. This minimizes user costs and eliminates system-wide hardware crashes. Some of the original UNIX programs are ?still evident today.? (Wolfe 29)UNIX was developed at ATT in 1969, primarily for controlling the phone network and handling government communications. Hewlett-Packard, IBM, Sun Systems, other U.S. companies and international companies now sell versions of UNIX that work best on their computers. UNIX at first worked over ARPnet, ?named after its sponsor from the Pentagon.? (Sembawang 1997). The ARPA network grew throughout the 1970s when computer networks from various organizations, both nationally and internationally, began to link to ARPAnet, mostly for transferring engineering and scientific research data. ?With the advent of satellite transmissions, the first international network connection was made with the University of London (England) and the Royal Radar Establishment of Norway in 1973.? (Sembawang 1997) In 1979, the National Science Foundation established the Computer Science Research Network (CSnet), which connected to ARPAnet through a gateway. This system was used for e-mail and sharing technical information. (Sembawang 1997)In the early 1980s, the NSF created its own network, NSFnet, which added educational links for schools and libraries. However, access to NSFnet was limited to these government or government research organizations. (Sembawang 1997)In 1992, NSF created Advanced Network and Services, Inc. (ANS), used to manage the NSFnet, which opened up the Inter net to everyone. ANS also opened up the potential for multimedia on the Internet through the World Wide Web. (Sembawang 1997)Once the potential was there, the European Laboratory for Particle Physics (CERN) began a project to create the international internet. The CERN project operated on TCP/IP transfer protocols developed inside a Berkeley UNIX system. The project was started in the mid-1980s and completed in 1990. By 1993, the internet had become a world-wide phenomenon. (Segal 1995)The Web allows users to easily browse through hypertext and multimedia located on various computers and main frame systems around the world. Prior to the CERN project, internet users had to know UNIX programming language and move around in a cumbersome UNIX shell environment. (Segal 1995)The Web can best be described as a ?global interactive, dynamic, cross-platform, distributed, graphical hypertext information system that operates over the internet. (Lemay 4) It operates on many protocols, including FTP, Gopher, UseNet, WAIS databases, and TELNET. Most of the text transferred over the internet is written in hypertext markup language (HTML). Graphics are transferred via standard generalized markup language (SGML) through the UNIX operating system. No one owns the web, but a consortium of U.S. and European individuals and organizations who support its operation, called the World Wide Web (W3) Consortium, established the protocols and languages that will be supported on the web. (Lemay 12). Popular browsers include Netscape, NCSA Mosaic, Lyna, MacWeb and WinWeb. A URL (home pages, BBSs, etc.) is a pointer to a posting on a Gopher, UseNet or FTP. All of these are currently transferred over the UNIX operating system. .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4 , .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4 .postImageUrl , .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4 , .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4:hover , .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4:visited , .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4:active { border:0!important; } .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4:active , .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4 .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u15ac136378f1ae3aa9250d97a7d1d5d4:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Shine Essay?Today, the Internet is still growing in terms of size and number of connections. It is estimated that there are now about 50 million Internet users worldwide, from as many as 100 countries.? (Sembawang 1997). UNIX has enjoyed a long, exclusive history, but Microsoft is trying to establish Windows NT as the premier Web server and replace UNIXs dominant position as the internets operating system. Although the internet was originally developed around UNIX, some companies who design software for the internet are becoming ?reluctant to embrace UNIX for this purpose.? (Harvey (74(2)) A major reason for moving to NT instead of UNIX is that the UNIX operating system is expensive, whereas Microsoft Windows NT is affordable to everyday users. (Harvey (74(2)). The other major advantage of Microsoft Windows NT is ?significantly easier to install and maintain.? (Harvey (74(2)). Also, UNIX requires additional utility software such as NetWare which is already built in to Microsoft Windows NT. (Harvey (74(2)). There are a few companies that have already switched to NT, such as Irvine, Californias Platinum Software Corp. However, they will lose 175 customers in the process who are tied into Sun Systems, which do not operate on Windows NT. ?A lot of Platinum UNIX customers are on Sun Microsystems, Inc. platforms,? Mark Lefneski, a Toronto independent consultant, said. (King 4) The cost of replacing that hardware is a strong consideration for most companies considering a switch to Microsoft Windows NT. Other users are not so quick to jump on the NT bandwagon. They believe that Microsofts BackOffice, ?which comprises the NT operating system and SQL Server database, will be less robust than the UNIX/Sybase combination.? (King 4). UNIX designers have responded to the competitive threat by upgrading software and hardware to run ?very large databases (VLDB).? (Nash 67) VLDBs can either store several hundred gigabytes or a few terabytes of data. UNIX retail companies are also reducing the price on hardware and software in combination with Informix Software, Inc. in Menlo Park, California, Oracle Corp. in Redwood Shores, California, and others. The reduced price ?makes VLDB a viable option for UNIX shops.? (Nash 67) Kim Nash, writing for Computerworld, states that UNIX still needs to develop software interfaces for planning and running even larger inventory systems. (Nash 67)TRW is working with a UNIX system that maps consumer credit histories better than current systems. TRWs system is a combined ?UNIX-based Oracle and mainframe-resident IBM DB2 databases.? (Nash 67) TRW is now using VLDBs to process transactions, whereas ?most UNIX-based VLDBs are used for data warehousing.? (Nash 67)Nash writes: ?todays craze for data warehousing the technology hula hoop of the 1990s that will result in UNIX users pushing the outer limits of database size, according to Richard Winter, an analyst at The Winter Corp., a consulting firm in Cambridge, Massachusetts.? (Nash 67) According to Winter, writes Nash, ?grocery stores, clothing chains, discounters and other consumer-oriented companies to find out why people buy what and when. ?Thats really just a series of sophisticated database queries on very large amounts of data, he said.? (Nash 67)Other enhancements enjoyed by UNIX upgrades include quicker file transfer. Jay Milne of Network Computing writes that when NFS (Network Filing System) is installed, UNIX speed is increased by placing the burden of file transfer on the UNIX serv er while program processing is still retained on individual workstations. Milne says that NFS is integrated in the UNIX operating system and is ?available on a variety of platforms, including Novell NetWare, Microsoft Windows NT, Digital VAX and IBM OS/2.? (Milne 162). UNIX systems are widely used by banking institutions and other public service industries as a means of doing business with their customers over the Internet. In one example, customers of Kansas City Power Light Co. in Kansas City, Missouri can access their accounts to determine how much electricity theyve used, and the company is experimenting with ?online bill payment.? (Wagner 59)Although the company sees security as a major concern, they find no reason to ?stay off-line.? The claim that internet security devices, such as encryption and firewalls are ?relatively safe? security devices. Mitch Wagner writing for Computerworld writes that ?Marriott and Kansas City Power ; Light shelter legacy systems from the Internet by allowing access only at ?mirror sites servers outside the firewall that contain duplicates of the data stored on internal sites. ?Its like having a lock on your door, said Ray Pasley, supervisor of network services at Kansas City Power ; Light.? (Wagner 59) Wagner wr ites, ?the risk of being off-line outweighs the risk of being online, because customers are increasingly demanding online access to data and will take their business to companies that have a dynamic online presence, Pasley said.? (Wagner 59)It is obvious that with public demand for internet services, combined with the fact that the internet is UNIX-based, there is no immediate threat to the UNIX operating system. UNIX has served many different government and scientific entities in the past and continues to be enhanced by software designers in order to better serve customers by being responsive to todays marketplace. UNIX serves, and will continue to serve the world through the Web. BibliographyWorks CitedLemay, Laura (1995). Teach Yourself Web Publishing with HTML In 14 Days. Sams.net. Indianapolis IN. .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17 , .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17 .postImageUrl , .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17 , .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17:hover , .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17:visited , .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17:active { border:0!important; } .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17:active , .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17 .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u5fd885637d4e4befe0f323de73677b17:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Animal cruelty EssayNash, Kim S. ?UNIX Databases Handling Larger Loads.,? Computerworld. (1995) : May, pp. 67. Segal, Ben. ?A Short History of Internet Protocols at CERN.,? CERN PDP-NS. (1995) : April. wwwcn.cern.ch/pdp/ns/ben/TCPhist.html. Sembawang Media (1997). www.cybertime.com.sg/us.html Wagner, Mitch. ?Firms: Open the store, lock the safe.,? Computerworld. (1997) : April, pp. 59. Wolfe, Jon. ?Enhancing skills takes more than a keystroke..,? Nashville Business Journal. Vol. 11. (1995) : August, pp. 29. Computers and Internet Essays

The Different Fields of Engineering

The Different Fields of Engineering Free Online Research Papers Through different interviews I have conducted, the conclusion that I have came up with is; the average person thinks that an engineer just designs buildings. There are many more things that engineers design. There are nine different disciplines within the engineering realm that work on other forms of engineering aside from designing buildings. The engineering field has many jobs within it that create and produce products that we see and use from day to day. Engineers of today are moving our society into the future and make our lives easier by creating useful products that help improve our way of life. The first field of engineering is Aerospace Engineering, which covers the â€Å"design, development, and testing of aircrafts, spacecrafts, missiles and the supervision of the manufacturing of these products.† (Engineering Majors, para.1.) The research in this field has created; the airplanes that we fly from state to state on, the space shuttle that put the first man on the moon, and missiles that we can fire from naval vessels that are located miles from the target that they are set to destroy. Where would we be if we did not have airplanes to travel from state to state or overseas? Our travel time would more than double or triple to get from one point to another. These engineers are hired in at a salary of $58, 130 per year. (Occupational, section 17-2011.) The next field of engineering is Chemical Engineering which deals with production and creation of â€Å"pharmaceuticals, pulp and paper, food processing, polymers, and environmental health.† (Engineering Majors, para. 4.) It is our Chemical Engineers that come up with inventions like; new cures for allergies, vaccines for the latest virus strands. They have also found ways to recycle our paper and plastic products so they will not clutter our streets with trash, new ways to re-create food so that we can coax our kids into eating healthy food, like string cheese, V-8 fruit drinks, and chewable, good tasting vitamins. These engineers are hired in at $53,730 per year. (Occupational, section 17-2041.) â€Å"Civil Engineers design our buildings, bridges, power plants, roads, railroads, airports, harbors, channels, dams, irrigation projects, pipelines, water and sewage, waste disposal units, and dams.† (Occupational, section 17-2051.) Civil Engineers have designed magnificent structures like the Empire State building , the Golden Gate Bridge, and power plants that provide the electricity to our houses so that we can watch our favorite television shows, cook food on our electric stoves, and take showers from our electric water heaters. They have also designed the river ways, and culverts that carry the rain water away from our homes and businesses during heavy rainfall. These engineers are hired in at a salary of $48, 140 per year. (Occupational, section 17-2051.) How do we get electricity from the power plants to our houses? That’s the jobs that our Electrical Engineers do. They design lines that move the electricity from one point to another without damaging anything. They also â€Å"helped invent the computer, DSL, cellular phones, microchips and solar panel.† (Engineering Majors, para. 8.) Where would we be if we did not have computers? There would not be any online classes, or online universities. We would still be writing letters by hand probably delivering them by hand also. Digital Subscriber Line (DSL) improved the internet by transferring information digitally, which is fifty times faster than the old analog system everyone used to have when the internet first came out. Almost every household in America has at least one or two cell phones. I depend on my phone so much that I can not leave home without it, and when I do, I feel like I am missing some clothing. These engineers are hired in at a salary of $52,990 per ye ar. (Occupational, section 17-2071.) Environmental Engineering helps keep our environment safe by studying â€Å"water and air pollution control, recycling, waste disposal, and public health issues.† (Engineering Majors, para. 9.) If it were not for Environmental Engineers, we would not have policies in place to protect our ozone layer, our water supply, and the amount of land we use for land fills. This policy protects our planet from manufactures producing too much air pollution from factories, by creating automobile engines that expel less pollutants in the air that break down the Earth’s ozone layer, creating new methods of keeping our water safe to drink, and producing ways to recycle plastic, water, and other goods that could clutter our land fills with more garbage. These engineers are hired in at a salary of $45,310 per year. (Occupational, section 17-2081.) Mechanical Engineers help our society by producing â€Å"machines and devices of all types.† (Engineering Majors, para. 13.) Mechanical Engineers design engines for our automobiles, planes, and ships. They design vehicles for our nation’s military that protect our borders from terrorists, farm equipment for the farmers that grow our fruits and vegetables, defense equipment for our emergency agencies, as well as security forces. They design tools for our mechanics, carpenters, masons, and wood workers so they can repair and build our houses, vehicles, and brick structures. These engineers are hired in at a salary of $47,900 per year. (Occupational, section 17-2141.) Industrial Engineering involves the process of â€Å"determining the most effective ways to use the basic factors of production.† (Engineering Majors, para. 10.) Industrial Engineers help streamline the process in which products are manufactured, and assembled. They study the process used to produce products from humans, or machines, and finds ways to improve them, and speed them up so that the process is operating as efficient as possible. If one vehicle took a month to produce, then we would probably be put on a waiting list for a year, just to get the vehicle we want. These engineers are hired in at a salary of $47,720 per year. (Occupational, section 17-2112.) Software Engineering involves â€Å"evaluation of the software and systems that enable computers to perform their many applications.† (Engineering Majors, para. 16.) They keep our networks running so that we can communicate through e-mail, and transfer files to each other. They also create programs that give us short cuts to help us get our jobs done a little faster. They write software that runs formulas to calculate formulas for us, programs that check the spelling and grammar in our writing assignments, programs that protect our homes and vehicles through security systems, and programs that update themselves at designated times of the day. These engineers are hired in at a salary of $59,170 per year. (Occupational, section 17-2061.) Biomedical Engineers â€Å"develop devices and procedures that solve medical and health-related problems by combining their knowledge of biology and medicine with engineering principles and practices.† (Occupational, section Nature of Work.) These engineers develop artificial body parts to replace missing or damaged body parts. People that have pace makers in their body, and those that have prosthetic arms, legs, or other body parts can live a more normal life because of these engineers. They also create medical equipment /devices used in medical treatment and operations. These engineers are hired in at a salary of $47,640 per year. (Occupational, section 17-2031.) Engineers have pushed our society into the future through the products that they have designed to improve our way of life. These people not only design structures, equipment, power, tools, programs, and processes, but they also design ways to save our natural resources. References Dhulipala, S. (2007, February 12.) Engineering Classified. Various Fields of Engineering. Retrieved October 12, 2009, from http://engineering.suite101.com/article.cfm/engineering_defined Engineering Majors. Retrieved October 5, 2009, from tryengineering.org/become.php?page=majors_eng Occupational Employment and Wages (May 2008.) Retrieved October 26, 2009, from bls.gov/oco/ocos027.htm What is Engineering? Retrieved October 9, 2009, from engineeringk12.org/students/What_Is_Engineering/Engineering_Alph abet/default.php Research Papers on The Different Fields of EngineeringGenetic EngineeringRiordan Manufacturing Production PlanOpen Architechture a white paperPETSTEL analysis of IndiaBionic Assembly System: A New Concept of SelfMarketing of Lifeboy Soap A Unilever ProductTwilight of the UAWMind TravelThe Effects of Illegal ImmigrationRelationship between Media Coverage and Social and

Case study Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 22

Case study - Essay Example This would be an observational study. Under observational study, there are other sub-types such as case control, cohort, and cross-sectional surveys. Case control is a design that uses two groups (the case and the control) to find out the answers to the research question, for example, in this study, the case are the transgender people (Bowers 75). The aim of the study may be to find out the difference in life experiences. The control would be the normal people. Answers will then be generated from comparing the two groups. Cohort studies involve observing certain characteristics of a specified population or issue over time, for example, determining the cause of a certain disease. Cross-sectional survey is where the researcher collects specific information about a certain group of people within a specific location. This is the best study design for determining the number of people who consider themselves transgender in the United States. A survey will collect information through individual responses. The survey will have a clearly stated aim and what is expected of the respondents. It will have a statement regarding respect for personal privacy. Information received will only be used for statistical purposes and not any other. In the survey, Americans will only be expected to respond to a question about their gender. From their responses, the number of transgender people can be determined (Bowers

The Impact of the China New Labour Law on Industries and Labour Income Dissertation

The Impact of the China New Labour Law on Industries and Labour Income - Dissertation Example Some of the famous labour scholars such as Professor Chang Kai, Professor Wong Liu, lawyer Jiang Jun Lu publicly argued that the fixed term contract regulations contained in the Labour Law are necessary for protecting workers from indiscriminate termination of employment. Economists such as; the world famous economist Professor Steven N.S. Cheung and Professor Wong Yijiang, as well as labour expert Professor Dong Baohua and Law Professor Ho Bing, argued that welfare protection compromises enterprise protection and the ability of employees to be mobile (Blanpain and Nakakubo 2010, 66). The financial crisis did not help matters. Faced with struggling to keep businesses afloat and the prospect of liability for increased employee security under China’s New Labour Law, a number of businesses reportedly closed their doors. Other companies reportedly liquidated their assets to avoid compensatory damages against employee claims under the new law (Canaves 2009, A6). This research study conducts a critical analysis of China’s New Labour Law 2008 and its consequences for industries and labour income. In order to set the framework for this critical analysis, a descriptive research is conducted which reflects the economic developments in China over the past thirty years. This period is important because it covers the economic policies of Dang Xiao Ping who opened China’s markets to the rest of the world ending a long history of isolation. In the course of conducting this descriptive research, changes in the income of urban dwellers and rural farmers will be revealed. This will help to set a conceptual framework for analysing the necessity and aims of the New Labour Law and its actual and likely consequences for industries and workers’ income. This research takes a mixed methods approach in that both qualitative and quantitative research analyses are conducted. The qualitative research methods involves a review of the literature relative to Chinaà ¢â‚¬â„¢s economic development, the labour market and the implementation of China’s Labour Law 2008. The quantitative research methods consist of an empirical research study conducted. The empirical research study consist of a series of personal interviews of 100 workers and five owners of divergent sized factories. Evidence obtained from these interviews are compared to the evidence relative to empirical evidence reported in the literature on the experience of labourers who work outside of China under different jurisdictions and their labour laws. The purpose of the interviews with workers and factory owners was to identify the influence of China’s New Labour Law on the income of workers and the adjustment that businesses were compelled to make as a result of the New Labour Law. Research findings indicate that China’s New Labour Contract Law has had a substantial negative impact on the cost of manufacturing and has negative impact on the benefits intended for wo rkers. Acknowledgements. I would like to thank my tutor, Mr. Abel Khoo for his assistance. Mr. Khoo identified my errors and provided valuable advice for correcting them. He also provided valuable advice as to properly identifying the issues and the organizing the relevant material. Mr. Khoo also helped me to organize the design of this research thesis. I am also grateful to the five owners of the factories who willingly

Sources and Classifications of Law in the United Kingdom Essay

Sources and Classifications of Law in the United Kingdom - Essay Example   Legislation refers to the law, which is made by a body specially constituted for that purpose. The legislation is classified into primary and secondary legislations. Legislation in the UK derives from various sources. The Supreme legislation body for the United Kingdom is the Parliament of the UK of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, British Overseas territories and British Crown dependencies; the parliament is also referred to as the Westminster.   Each of the three major jurisdictions of the United Kingdom: Northern Ireland, English and Wales, and Scotland has its laws and legislative systems. The Westminster possesses legislative supremacy; therefore, it has ultimate power over all other political powers in the United Kingdom and its territories. Legislation in the United Kingdom takes the form of Acts or Statutory Instruments. The Acts are passed directly by Parliament while the government minister or the Queen-in-council makes Statutory Instruments under the authority of Parliament.   Primary legislation constitutes the law made by the legislative branch of the government. The primary legislation takes the form of Acts of Parliament in the United Kingdom. In primary legislation, the parliament is the law making body; this is because Parliament derives its law making powers directly from the Constitution.  Ã‚   Secondary legislation in the United Kingdom must receive the authorization from the primary legislation in order to ensure conformance to boundaries laid down by primary legislation.   Ã‚  

Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia

Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia Many factors influence the formulation of US energy policy. This chapter lays out the comprehensive description of the institutions which shape US energy policy towards Central Asia in general. Further this chapter would look into the international scenario, which has made US Congress, Federal Bureaucracy and Interest Groups in shaping Energy Policy towards Kazakhstan. And Turkmenistan Throughout the 1980s and before US experienced a major sorting out process, determining who would participate in energy policymaking and what the organisational arrangements for citizen involvement would be, though by 1980 the President and the Congress had been able to reach compromises on the basic issues faced by them following the onset of the energy crisis. With decisions on these basic issues the foundation for a stable national energy policy system appeared to be in place. The rudimentary energy policy system that was in place by 1980, provided the framework necessary to manage both energy supply and demand and to develop new resources (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). Before going into the detailed focus on the role of iron triangle towards Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan in particular a brief understanding of how the policy is influenced by the Congress, Interests Groups and the Bureaucracy would be appropriate. Congress: Decision making in Congress where law is formulated, differ from decision making in the bureaucracy, where it is implemented. The institution setting greatly influences the policy outcome.[1] If not sovereign, Congress is considered to be prominent in formulating national energy policy. The president may mandate or oppose energy programs. But he is usually dictated by the Congress. It is the congress who can legislate on energy policy and raise the resources to underwrite it. The presidents freedom to act independently of congress on energy matters is limited severely by law, custom and political circumstances. Policy may be formulated by judges or administrators by interpreting or implementing a congressional enactment. But policy making by them is limited by congressional guidelines and over shift (Cowney: 1985: 82-86). Congress is characterized as house divided and authority dispersed between its two chambers. Its members are even torn by conflicting claims of local and national interest. Although congress is fragmented, it cant be denied that there is opportunity for policy innovation. From the apparent authority of the congress, it becomes clear that congress often reveals not power exercised but power dissipated, not policy made but policy paralysed(Victor:1984:313) The number of committees and subcommittees with energy as their title grew steadily from two in the 92nd Congress (1970-1972) to numerous in the110th Congress In the 96th Congress jurisdiction over some aspect of energy policy was claimed by more than 38 committees of the House of Representatives. The Senate traditionally has fewer committees than the House. Nevertheless it had at least ten major committees and several dozen subcommittees exercising some authority over energy legislation. The committees are proposed by the legislators desire to exercise some authority over major public issues. There also perpetuates jealously and competition between subcommittees and their leaders in energy policy making. Vigorous conflict over energy policy produced by each chambers over squabbling committees is intensified by rivalries between House and Senate energy committees. Such competitions are due to traditional differences between the two chambers, their divergent constituencies, constitutional responsibilities, institutional histories, conflicting personalities and committees aspirations. Moreover, the various energy committees within and between the two chambers, often respond to different energy interest (Raycraft and Kash: 1984:239-249). The fragmentation of power in the Congress is not only due to the formal division of authority among committees. There are other significant causes as well such as there are five hundred and thirty five geographical units the states and the congressional districts. These numerous factors constitute a vast array of diverse parochial interests with powerful influence in the legislative process. The Senator and the Representatives ambassador to Washington are regarded by the constituents as the guardian of the local interest. The Senator and the ambassadors are supported to play the role of energy provider and protector (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Bureaucracy: The executive branch of the federal government is a constitutional unit. Within the executive branch there are thirteen cabinet departments, fifty two independent agencies, five regulatory commissions and numerous lesser entities. More than 2.8 million employers divide their loyalties among these institutions. When closely observed, the executive branch is found to be a mosaic of disparate bureaucratic interests, each zealous to achieve its special mission. It is very challenging for the president to bring these different interests into accord with his own administrative programs. Its success depends upon his personality to a greater extent. The designs for the administrative management by the White House are continuously impeded by the political obstacles. In order to unite the bureaucracy, the president must constantly fight for the competing claims of agencies self interest, the political pressures upon the agencies from Congress and the pressure from an agencys own clientele. The federal bureaucracy is a plurality of institutional interests. They are always active in shaping the policies which will be administered by them. The bureaucracy is governments interest lobby (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Interest Group: The number of interest group striving to impress their will upon government is legion. Among one hundred thousand nationally organised interest groups in the United States, high proportions are involved in politics. When the politically active state and local groups are added to the already existing numerous interest groups, it becomes obvious that the interest groups are pervasive in the United States governmental system. They represent virtually every major social group with some claims upon government (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). The formations of new groups are often triggered by the rise of new issues on the governmental agenda. And conversely, new issues on the agenda reflect the growing political influence of new interests. The number of interest groups in national energy policy increased significantly after 1973 oil shock. Oil companies have been the major interest groups in terms of energy policy formulation. While analysing the role of oil companies it can be said that they are playing the role of nongovernmental bodies. They have added a degree of variety to international political relationship. Sometimes they have even made the international relationships complicated which might otherwise have been quite harmonious. But in reality oil industries are primarily economic institutions. One of the characteristics of the economic actors is that so long as they can function reasonably well, they generally accept the status quo. No industry can sacrifice its profit for the sake of political principle. None of the oil industry can turn down the chance of developing important new deposits. Of course companies have to choose between possible ventures. The political climate of the countries in which these ventures fall is the only one of the factors taken into account. The political tactics available to compan ies for gaining access to promising markets are limited (Scott: 2005:12-149). The strategies adopted by the oil company are usually predictable but along with the strategies, the leadership of the company also matter to a greater extent. The underlying economics of the industry make it possible to predict the general direction in which companies will move. The development of oil companies can be stimulated by ease of access of the various oil deposit the source of existing oil production the size development and location of the worlds leading economies some facts about the motivation of the imperial powers some assumptions about the behavior of companies in an international oligopoly Some information about the level of government experience in most of the potential producing countries. The sheer size of the US market and the fact that there was a significant oil industry in existence in USA meant that American oil companies where bound to play a dominant role. As an analyst has noted that US had no history of significant engagement with the Central Asian Region before 1990s. It is the discovery of energy resources of the Caspian Sea that made the region important of the US foreign policy makers. The Central Asia and the Caspian Region is blessed with abundant oil and gases that can enhance the lives of the regions resident and provide energy for growth in both Europe and Asia. The impact of these resources on US commercial interests and US foreign policy is very significant. The United States first official foray into the Caucasus and Central Asia came in 1991 during the Bush administration. But it was not until major oil contracts were signed between US oil companies and the government of Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan in 1993-1994 that the region really began to register on the radar screen of the American public. The commercial interests of US oil companies in exploiting new energy reserves gave US policymakers a specific interest to protect in the Caucasus and Central Asia the US has come to see Caspian resources as one of the few prospects for diversifying world energy supply away from the Middle East. The role of the iron triangle in formulating US energy policy towards Central Asia can be understood by 1998 Congressional Hearing. In this hearing the subcommittee on Asia and Pacific examined the US interest in the region. It was acknowledged by the US Congress that Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan possess large reserves of oil and natural gas. It was further observed that Uzbekistan has oil and gas reserves that may make it self sufficient in energy and gain revenue through exports (Congressional Hearings: 1998). According to Mr. Bereuter the president of the Subcommittee on Asia and Pacific stated that US policy goals regarding energy resources in the region were based on the following factors- Independence of the states and their ties to the West. Breaking Russias monopoly over the oil and gas transport routes. Promoting Western energy security through diversified suppliers encouraging the construction of East West pipeline and, Isolating Iran. In addition it was stated by the then Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbot, that the United States sought to discourage any one country from gaining control over the region, but rather urged all responsible States to cooperate in the exploitation of regional oil and resources. It was noted that the Central Asian Region has emerged as one of the significant opportunities for investment opportunities for a broad range of American companies. This in turn will stimulate the economic development of the region. Debates in the Congress According to the Department of Energy, US has following interest in the region- Energy security Strategic interest and Commercial interest in promoting Caspian region energy development. It is further observed that US has an interest in strengthening global energy security through diversification, and the development of these new sources of supply. Caspian export would diversify rather than concentrate world energy supplies. This will help in avoiding the over reliance on the Persian Gulf. It was agreed in the Congress that United States has strategic interests in supporting the independence, sovereignty, and prosperity of the Newly Independent States of the Caspian Basin. And it was desired to assist the development of these States into democratic, sovereign members of the world community of the nations, enjoying unfettered access to world markets without pressure or undue influence from the region. In other words, it can be observed that the iron triangle i.e., Congress, Bureaucracy and the Interest Group have following four objectives with regard to Central Asia: Promoting Multiple Export Route-The administrations policy is centered on rapid development of the regions resources and the transportation and sale of those resources to hard currency markets to secure the independence of these new countries. The US government has promoted the development of multiple pipelines and diversified infrastructure networks to open and integrate these countries into the global market and to foster regional cooperation. It was decided to give priority to support efforts by the regional governments and the private sector to develop and improve east-west linkage and infrastructure networks through Central Asia and the Caucasus. A Eurasian energy transport corridor incorporating a trans-Caspian segment with a route from Baku, Azerbaijan, through the Caucasus and Turkey to the Mediterranean port was included. Emphasizing on Commerciality-It was realized that the massive infrastructure projects must be commercially competitive before the private sector and the international financial community can move forward. Keeping this in mind the Baku-Ceyhan pipelines was most endorsed. Cooperating with Russia-It was decided to support the continued Russian participation in Caspian participation in the Eurasian corridor was also encouraged. For this purpose US companies are working in partnership with the Russian firms in the Caspian. Isolating Iran- the US Government opposes pipelines through Iran because development of Irans oil and gas industry and pipelines from the Caspian Basin through Iran will seriously undercut the development of East-west infrastructure, and give Iran improper leverage over economies of the Caucasus and Central Asian States. Similarly, John Maresca, Vice President of International Relations, Unocal Corporation, focused on three issues with regard to Central Asia- The need for multiple pipeline routes for Central Asian oil and gas resources. The need for US support for international and Regional efforts to achieve balanced reforms and development of appropriate investment in the region. While emphasising these issues, argued for the repeal or removal of section 907 of the Freedom Support Act, because this section unfairly restricts US Government assistance to the government of Azerbaijan and limits US influence in the region. Unocal and other American companies are ready to develop cost-effective export routes for Central Asian resources. So, after this analysis of the iron triangle in terms of the Central Asian Region it can be concluded that the Cooperation of power, federalism, interest group pluralism and other checks and balances in the constitutional architecture of the United States political system created a strong bias towards bargaining, compromise and instrumentalism in energy policy making today. the electoral cycle often compels energy policy to conform to the economic and political bias of legislative constituencies charged with implementing energy policies, attempt to impose upon those policies their own bureaucratic values, their unique political per spective growing from their several missions and many other institutional concerns sub government and the public opinion also influence policy. These elements in the policy process have long been recognized. They emphasise a truth often ignored in discussions of US public policy. The United States and the rest of the world are facing energy problem. The era of abundant, reliable, low-cost energy is in the past. Currently the condition will be that of scarcity and the continuing need to manage the complex and difficult issues associated with the use, supply, pricing and trading of energy to prevent economic, political, environmental and military crisis. Imported oil is the heart of energy problem. As mentioned earlier the economic growth and the consequent growth in energy demand requires increased need for imported oil. To understand the full scope of Congressional perception focus on Energy Security act-S.932 of 1980 is essential. Energy Security Act S. 932 Representative Christopher J. Dodd on June 25, 1980 observed that with respect to the energy act it represented a long overdue commitment of federal dollars to promote energy independence for America. He acknowledged the growing dependency of United States on imported oil. The Energy Security Act provides 25 billion for exploration of a variety of energy alternatives including synthetic fuels renewable resources, conservation, and gasohol. It mandated two actions -the filling of our strategic petroleum reserves and the study of acid rain problem. Though the historical energy security act comprehensively dealt with the synthetic fuel but it was not entirely about the synthetic fuel bill. This act also provide $3.1 billion to establish conservation and solar banks that will offer federal subsidies in the form of below market loans, loan guarantees and grant to finance solar and conservation work in homes, apartments and small business. Christopher J. Dodd argued that $ 3 billion includ ed in this bill to the energy bank was not enough to release the full potential of conservation and solar energy. But this funding was perceived to be a good beginning, and believed that the experience of the coming years will prove the worth these alternatives to continue oil imports. He further argued that the United States government must devise an effective national strategy to break the hold of OPEC and energy conservation in our homes and business should be taken as a vital part of that strategy (Congressional Hearings: 1980) The former Clinton Administration stressed that U.S. support for free market reforms directly served U.S. national interests by opening new markets for U.S. goods and services, and sources of energy and minerals. U.S. private investment committed to Central Asia had greatly exceeded. U.S. energy companies have committed to invest billions of dollars in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. U.S. trade agreements have been signed and entered into force with all the Central Asian States. By focusing on Congressional debates on Energy Policy with particular focus on Central Asia, the complexity of policy formulation can be understood. Further the various Hearings held by the Congress have also provided significant evidence that explains the changed nuances of Central Asia policy. It also helps to illustrate the argument that the Congress considered the Central Asian Region very important for US interest. In particular Congressional understanding of the Enormous Energy Export Potential that could ease Americas energy problem went a long way in shaping US policy towards Central Asia. For instance, despite concern on human right violent political movement, US government virtually supported the US government decision to promote a new pipeline from Kazakh to Azerbaijan and from Ceyhan to Turkey. Some analysts have noted that there has been different emphasis on the level of US involvement in the CAR. According to some there have been linkages between the adequate progress in democratisation and improving the human rights. The importance of energy resources to US has been disputed in early phase of 1990. However, the Congressional interest in Central Asia was reflected in the passage of Silk Road in late 1999 which enhanced US policy alteration, humanitarian needs, economic development (including energy pipelines) and communications, democracy and the creation of civil societies in the South Caucasian and Central Asia. The Bush energy policy was directed towards securing cheap oil because US oil consumption was below projected to increase by one-third over the next two decades. The white House during Bush Administration also had for greater domestic drilling and wants to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to the oil industry. The Administrations National Energy Policy Development Group, led by Vice President Dick Cheney, acknowledged in a May 2001 report that US oil production will fall 12% over the next 20 years. As a result US dependence on imported oil which has risen to a great extent (CRS Report: 2005). September 11 brought with it a dramatic reconfiguration of the entire international security environment as well as a fundamental shift in the ranking of American foreign and security priorities. Virtually every other foreign policy priority was now subordinated to the effort to create an anti-terrorist coalition (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). It is observed that the September 11 attack on the World Trade Centre and Pentagon has underlined the connection between oil and politics. When it became confirmed that the most of the hijackers were from Saudi Arabia, it impacted on the oil market to a great extent. Since Saudi Arabia constitutes one fourth of the total petroleum reserves, United States had to look for some other alternative sources in order to fulfill its energy requirement. United States is dependent on foreign oil for its 58% of energy requirement which is likely to increase up to 65% by 2020 (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). The counterstrike of September 11 shattered the old barriers and opened new horizons. The United States Congress acknowledged the importance of the Central Asian republic for the fulfillment of its oil requirement in the 107th Congress. It was acknowledged that the Central Asian Region is inflicted with terrorist activities and hence consequently political instability. The support from the Congress and the administration was urged. It was argued that the US assistance in developing these new economics will be crucial to business success. A strong technical assistance progress throughout the region was endorsed. After September 11 Washingtons approval of more than US$1.4 billion for the economic recovery of barren and battle scarred Afghanistan provides the Bush administration with possible insurance for deepening its petro-political sphere of influence along Russias boarder in the form of revived Trans-Afghan pipeline. Further it was realized by the US energy analysts that the vast reservoir of oil and gas can be protected by the deployment of US special operations forces to Georgia because it will neutralize Russias influence in the region. It is noteworthy that the Vice president Dick Cheney, former CEO of the oil services company Halliburtons also a veteran of the American oil industrys presence in the Caspian Basin is sufficient to manifest the US presence in the region With almost $30 billion already invested by US oil companies in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan, the suggested Afghan route would cost only one-half the amount of the other alternative which would run through Georgia to Turkeys Mediterranean coast ( Alam :2002:5-26). The Caspian Sea region is widely viewed as important to world markets because of its large oil and gas reserves. Most Energy Company regards the Caspian Basin as the Persian Gulf of the 21st century. In Central Asia and elsewhere, America found new friends in hour of need. It can be said that the Sept. 11 have awakened many Americans to the interdependence to the even -smaller world, to their vulnerability especially in energy. The growing American stake in Central Asia is one response to that. It can be said that the American war against terrorism has also become a battle to control the energy resources of the Central Asian Region. Since Central Asian region can offer the United States a rare opportunity to diversify world oil supply, it could be one of the most important areas of US foreign policy. However, in Washington D.C., and especially in the US congress, foreign policy tends to be an elitist sport. Few members of the Congress focus on foreign policy and accepted by the most of the Americans. As a result, few members of the congress view foreign policy and the Caspian region in strategic terms. The Central Asian Region is viewed by the most members of the congress through one or more of the following perspectives- The Azerbaijan- Armenia issue US policy towards Iran US policy towards Russia Partition and domestic politics. Among the four factors mentioned above, the fourth one i.e. that is partition and domestic politics is perhaps the most important. Members of the Congress tend to be overly responsive to their domestic constituents and some even support certain ethnic groups as a way to raise campaign contribution. This leads to a phenomenon termed ethnic politics. Critics argued that ethnic politics have driven US policy towards both Azerbaijan and Iran (Congressional Hearing: 2001). In order to understand the attitude of Congress towards the Central Asian Region in the aftermath of Sept. 11 attack on World Trade Centre (WTC) and Pentagon, the congress role towards Azerbaijan-America issue, Iran, and Russia requires a brief consideration. The Azerbaijan-Armenia issue On the Azerbaijan Armenia issue, congress tends to favour Armenia and uses foreign aid legislation as a means of exerting pressure on Armenias neighbors particularly Azerbaijan and Turkey. The most obvious example of this is the section 907 at the Freedom Support Act which prohibits US government aid to the government of Azerbaijan. Concern over the plight of Azeri refugee and the increasing importance of United States investment in the Azeri oil sectors; have led Congress to adjust section 907 incrementally each year since it took effect in January 1993. Nevertheless, Congressional attitude towards the region began to change significantly in 1997. The changes occurred for several reasons: The presidential elections in Armenia appeared to be less than free and fare this damaged Armenias image on Capitol Hill and embarrassed lawmaker who had clouted Armenia as the democratic ideal for the region. Some members of the congress thought the Armenia lobby had gone too far and was out of step with the realities on ground. The Armenian lobby was pushing for what some members of Congress thought was excessive legislation. As the deadline for a decision on the main export pipeline route approaches Congressional interest has continued to rise. There was the increased number of Congressional delegation traveling in the region. At least five delegations visited the region in 1997 including one led by senator McConnell. However, since his trip he has taken a more balanced approach to the region. This is noteworthy because McConnell is the chairman of the Senate appropriations subcommittee on foreign operations, the subcommittee which has jurisdiction over section 907. The House of Representatives, however, continued to reject attempt to weaken section 907. Congress tends to be an incremental body and the facts demonstrate that there is momentum towards making further revisions in section 907. As a result of this increasing momentum it is believed that the US Senate is now positioned to make substantial changes in 907. Senate headway will be critical because progress will have to be made in a House-Senate c onference committee and the House of Representatives continues to be solidly on the side of Armenia and is likely to support a significant softening or repeal of S.907. A major problem especially in the House is that section 907 is not on the radar screen for most Representatives since 907 is usually inserted into the foreign operations appropriations legislation at the subcommittee level, only 13 House member-less than 3% have an opportunity to vote up or down on 907 each year (Congressional Hearing:1997). Congressional attitude towards Iran: Iran is the most stable country politically and economically bordering the Caspian, and offers the most attractive pipeline routes: it is important to understand congressional attitude towards that country. Congress is opposed to Iran and has limited the Clintons administrations flexibility in dealing with it. In this respect, Congress has played a significant role. In the opinion of Congress no country undermines American interest more than Iran. Since the Iranian revolution the United States has sought to isolate Iran diplomatically and politically and more recently economically. Congress has passed the Iran-Libya Sanction Act (ILSA). This act was passed without a single member of congress voting against the sanctions. Congress has rarely adopted any controversial piece of legislation unanimously which have a wide range of implications. This law is causing problem for the companies trying to move Caspian oil to market. US companies are prohibited from partnering with Iranian firms in the Caspian (CRS Report: 2003). US Policy towards Russia Another regional issue clouding Congress view of the region is US policy towards Russia. Congress is skeptical of Russia, and its relations with Iran. For many members of Congress opposing the Soviet Union was a major pillar in their political philosophy during 1980s. Today there are still resident effects of this cold war attitude especially Republican party. In 1997 dozens of bills were introduced seeking to impose sanctions on Russia. Congress has consistently opposed Russian efforts of nuclear cooperation with Iran. Congress views the possible pipeline alternative through Russia, southern route through Iran, eastern route through Afghanistan and western rout through Georgia and Today Congressional view of the pipeline can be summed up in three ways: congress is opposed to pipelines routes through Iran, Congress is skeptical of routes through Russia, and is dubious of routes through Afghanistan. Turkey and Georgia are the only options in view of the Congress. Therefore, it is obvious why Congress has expressed support for pipeline along an east-west axis. This also helps to explain why the US government (Congress and the administration) are increasingly calling the Baku Ceyhan route the preferred route because it belongs NATO, ally, and avoid Iran and Russia. During 1998, Congress continued to advocate isolation of Iran and continue the incremental progress in US relations with Azerbaijan. While formulating energy policy for the United States, Congress is the preeminent force. But congress is a house divided. Its authority is dispersed between the two chambers. It is due to the fact that its members are usually torn by the conflicting claims of local and national interest. In spite of having fragmented opportunity it can be expected for policy innovation. On the brighter side, the United States has important energy interests in Central Asia. With its recent energy resources, Kazakhstan could become one of the largest oil exporters in the world. The United States has a strong interest in this oil getting to the world market at reasonable prices via multiple pipelines (Congressional Hearings: 1998). The 107th Congress supported governments efforts to promote a new pipeline from Kazakhstan to Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey, the gateway to the entire Western oil market. It was also acknowledged that in addition to energy interests, the United States also has a strong interest in working with the existing Central Asia governments on combating drugs and on divesting themselves of their weapons of mass destruction materials ( Congressional Hearings:2001). Finally, domestic security concerns for the Central Asian region particularly about violent political movements also got due consideration. The world gets nearly hal Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia Many factors influence the formulation of US energy policy. This chapter lays out the comprehensive description of the institutions which shape US energy policy towards Central Asia in general. Further this chapter would look into the international scenario, which has made US Congress, Federal Bureaucracy and Interest Groups in shaping Energy Policy towards Kazakhstan. And Turkmenistan Throughout the 1980s and before US experienced a major sorting out process, determining who would participate in energy policymaking and what the organisational arrangements for citizen involvement would be, though by 1980 the President and the Congress had been able to reach compromises on the basic issues faced by them following the onset of the energy crisis. With decisions on these basic issues the foundation for a stable national energy policy system appeared to be in place. The rudimentary energy policy system that was in place by 1980, provided the framework necessary to manage both energy supply and demand and to develop new resources (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). Before going into the detailed focus on the role of iron triangle towards Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan in particular a brief understanding of how the policy is influenced by the Congress, Interests Groups and the Bureaucracy would be appropriate. Congress: Decision making in Congress where law is formulated, differ from decision making in the bureaucracy, where it is implemented. The institution setting greatly influences the policy outcome.[1] If not sovereign, Congress is considered to be prominent in formulating national energy policy. The president may mandate or oppose energy programs. But he is usually dictated by the Congress. It is the congress who can legislate on energy policy and raise the resources to underwrite it. The presidents freedom to act independently of congress on energy matters is limited severely by law, custom and political circumstances. Policy may be formulated by judges or administrators by interpreting or implementing a congressional enactment. But policy making by them is limited by congressional guidelines and over shift (Cowney: 1985: 82-86). Congress is characterized as house divided and authority dispersed between its two chambers. Its members are even torn by conflicting claims of local and national interest. Although congress is fragmented, it cant be denied that there is opportunity for policy innovation. From the apparent authority of the congress, it becomes clear that congress often reveals not power exercised but power dissipated, not policy made but policy paralysed(Victor:1984:313) The number of committees and subcommittees with energy as their title grew steadily from two in the 92nd Congress (1970-1972) to numerous in the110th Congress In the 96th Congress jurisdiction over some aspect of energy policy was claimed by more than 38 committees of the House of Representatives. The Senate traditionally has fewer committees than the House. Nevertheless it had at least ten major committees and several dozen subcommittees exercising some authority over energy legislation. The committees are proposed by the legislators desire to exercise some authority over major public issues. There also perpetuates jealously and competition between subcommittees and their leaders in energy policy making. Vigorous conflict over energy policy produced by each chambers over squabbling committees is intensified by rivalries between House and Senate energy committees. Such competitions are due to traditional differences between the two chambers, their divergent constituencies, constitutional responsibilities, institutional histories, conflicting personalities and committees aspirations. Moreover, the various energy committees within and between the two chambers, often respond to different energy interest (Raycraft and Kash: 1984:239-249). The fragmentation of power in the Congress is not only due to the formal division of authority among committees. There are other significant causes as well such as there are five hundred and thirty five geographical units the states and the congressional districts. These numerous factors constitute a vast array of diverse parochial interests with powerful influence in the legislative process. The Senator and the Representatives ambassador to Washington are regarded by the constituents as the guardian of the local interest. The Senator and the ambassadors are supported to play the role of energy provider and protector (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Bureaucracy: The executive branch of the federal government is a constitutional unit. Within the executive branch there are thirteen cabinet departments, fifty two independent agencies, five regulatory commissions and numerous lesser entities. More than 2.8 million employers divide their loyalties among these institutions. When closely observed, the executive branch is found to be a mosaic of disparate bureaucratic interests, each zealous to achieve its special mission. It is very challenging for the president to bring these different interests into accord with his own administrative programs. Its success depends upon his personality to a greater extent. The designs for the administrative management by the White House are continuously impeded by the political obstacles. In order to unite the bureaucracy, the president must constantly fight for the competing claims of agencies self interest, the political pressures upon the agencies from Congress and the pressure from an agencys own clientele. The federal bureaucracy is a plurality of institutional interests. They are always active in shaping the policies which will be administered by them. The bureaucracy is governments interest lobby (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Interest Group: The number of interest group striving to impress their will upon government is legion. Among one hundred thousand nationally organised interest groups in the United States, high proportions are involved in politics. When the politically active state and local groups are added to the already existing numerous interest groups, it becomes obvious that the interest groups are pervasive in the United States governmental system. They represent virtually every major social group with some claims upon government (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). The formations of new groups are often triggered by the rise of new issues on the governmental agenda. And conversely, new issues on the agenda reflect the growing political influence of new interests. The number of interest groups in national energy policy increased significantly after 1973 oil shock. Oil companies have been the major interest groups in terms of energy policy formulation. While analysing the role of oil companies it can be said that they are playing the role of nongovernmental bodies. They have added a degree of variety to international political relationship. Sometimes they have even made the international relationships complicated which might otherwise have been quite harmonious. But in reality oil industries are primarily economic institutions. One of the characteristics of the economic actors is that so long as they can function reasonably well, they generally accept the status quo. No industry can sacrifice its profit for the sake of political principle. None of the oil industry can turn down the chance of developing important new deposits. Of course companies have to choose between possible ventures. The political climate of the countries in which these ventures fall is the only one of the factors taken into account. The political tactics available to compan ies for gaining access to promising markets are limited (Scott: 2005:12-149). The strategies adopted by the oil company are usually predictable but along with the strategies, the leadership of the company also matter to a greater extent. The underlying economics of the industry make it possible to predict the general direction in which companies will move. The development of oil companies can be stimulated by ease of access of the various oil deposit the source of existing oil production the size development and location of the worlds leading economies some facts about the motivation of the imperial powers some assumptions about the behavior of companies in an international oligopoly Some information about the level of government experience in most of the potential producing countries. The sheer size of the US market and the fact that there was a significant oil industry in existence in USA meant that American oil companies where bound to play a dominant role. As an analyst has noted that US had no history of significant engagement with the Central Asian Region before 1990s. It is the discovery of energy resources of the Caspian Sea that made the region important of the US foreign policy makers. The Central Asia and the Caspian Region is blessed with abundant oil and gases that can enhance the lives of the regions resident and provide energy for growth in both Europe and Asia. The impact of these resources on US commercial interests and US foreign policy is very significant. The United States first official foray into the Caucasus and Central Asia came in 1991 during the Bush administration. But it was not until major oil contracts were signed between US oil companies and the government of Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan in 1993-1994 that the region really began to register on the radar screen of the American public. The commercial interests of US oil companies in exploiting new energy reserves gave US policymakers a specific interest to protect in the Caucasus and Central Asia the US has come to see Caspian resources as one of the few prospects for diversifying world energy supply away from the Middle East. The role of the iron triangle in formulating US energy policy towards Central Asia can be understood by 1998 Congressional Hearing. In this hearing the subcommittee on Asia and Pacific examined the US interest in the region. It was acknowledged by the US Congress that Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan possess large reserves of oil and natural gas. It was further observed that Uzbekistan has oil and gas reserves that may make it self sufficient in energy and gain revenue through exports (Congressional Hearings: 1998). According to Mr. Bereuter the president of the Subcommittee on Asia and Pacific stated that US policy goals regarding energy resources in the region were based on the following factors- Independence of the states and their ties to the West. Breaking Russias monopoly over the oil and gas transport routes. Promoting Western energy security through diversified suppliers encouraging the construction of East West pipeline and, Isolating Iran. In addition it was stated by the then Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbot, that the United States sought to discourage any one country from gaining control over the region, but rather urged all responsible States to cooperate in the exploitation of regional oil and resources. It was noted that the Central Asian Region has emerged as one of the significant opportunities for investment opportunities for a broad range of American companies. This in turn will stimulate the economic development of the region. Debates in the Congress According to the Department of Energy, US has following interest in the region- Energy security Strategic interest and Commercial interest in promoting Caspian region energy development. It is further observed that US has an interest in strengthening global energy security through diversification, and the development of these new sources of supply. Caspian export would diversify rather than concentrate world energy supplies. This will help in avoiding the over reliance on the Persian Gulf. It was agreed in the Congress that United States has strategic interests in supporting the independence, sovereignty, and prosperity of the Newly Independent States of the Caspian Basin. And it was desired to assist the development of these States into democratic, sovereign members of the world community of the nations, enjoying unfettered access to world markets without pressure or undue influence from the region. In other words, it can be observed that the iron triangle i.e., Congress, Bureaucracy and the Interest Group have following four objectives with regard to Central Asia: Promoting Multiple Export Route-The administrations policy is centered on rapid development of the regions resources and the transportation and sale of those resources to hard currency markets to secure the independence of these new countries. The US government has promoted the development of multiple pipelines and diversified infrastructure networks to open and integrate these countries into the global market and to foster regional cooperation. It was decided to give priority to support efforts by the regional governments and the private sector to develop and improve east-west linkage and infrastructure networks through Central Asia and the Caucasus. A Eurasian energy transport corridor incorporating a trans-Caspian segment with a route from Baku, Azerbaijan, through the Caucasus and Turkey to the Mediterranean port was included. Emphasizing on Commerciality-It was realized that the massive infrastructure projects must be commercially competitive before the private sector and the international financial community can move forward. Keeping this in mind the Baku-Ceyhan pipelines was most endorsed. Cooperating with Russia-It was decided to support the continued Russian participation in Caspian participation in the Eurasian corridor was also encouraged. For this purpose US companies are working in partnership with the Russian firms in the Caspian. Isolating Iran- the US Government opposes pipelines through Iran because development of Irans oil and gas industry and pipelines from the Caspian Basin through Iran will seriously undercut the development of East-west infrastructure, and give Iran improper leverage over economies of the Caucasus and Central Asian States. Similarly, John Maresca, Vice President of International Relations, Unocal Corporation, focused on three issues with regard to Central Asia- The need for multiple pipeline routes for Central Asian oil and gas resources. The need for US support for international and Regional efforts to achieve balanced reforms and development of appropriate investment in the region. While emphasising these issues, argued for the repeal or removal of section 907 of the Freedom Support Act, because this section unfairly restricts US Government assistance to the government of Azerbaijan and limits US influence in the region. Unocal and other American companies are ready to develop cost-effective export routes for Central Asian resources. So, after this analysis of the iron triangle in terms of the Central Asian Region it can be concluded that the Cooperation of power, federalism, interest group pluralism and other checks and balances in the constitutional architecture of the United States political system created a strong bias towards bargaining, compromise and instrumentalism in energy policy making today. the electoral cycle often compels energy policy to conform to the economic and political bias of legislative constituencies charged with implementing energy policies, attempt to impose upon those policies their own bureaucratic values, their unique political per spective growing from their several missions and many other institutional concerns sub government and the public opinion also influence policy. These elements in the policy process have long been recognized. They emphasise a truth often ignored in discussions of US public policy. The United States and the rest of the world are facing energy problem. The era of abundant, reliable, low-cost energy is in the past. Currently the condition will be that of scarcity and the continuing need to manage the complex and difficult issues associated with the use, supply, pricing and trading of energy to prevent economic, political, environmental and military crisis. Imported oil is the heart of energy problem. As mentioned earlier the economic growth and the consequent growth in energy demand requires increased need for imported oil. To understand the full scope of Congressional perception focus on Energy Security act-S.932 of 1980 is essential. Energy Security Act S. 932 Representative Christopher J. Dodd on June 25, 1980 observed that with respect to the energy act it represented a long overdue commitment of federal dollars to promote energy independence for America. He acknowledged the growing dependency of United States on imported oil. The Energy Security Act provides 25 billion for exploration of a variety of energy alternatives including synthetic fuels renewable resources, conservation, and gasohol. It mandated two actions -the filling of our strategic petroleum reserves and the study of acid rain problem. Though the historical energy security act comprehensively dealt with the synthetic fuel but it was not entirely about the synthetic fuel bill. This act also provide $3.1 billion to establish conservation and solar banks that will offer federal subsidies in the form of below market loans, loan guarantees and grant to finance solar and conservation work in homes, apartments and small business. Christopher J. Dodd argued that $ 3 billion includ ed in this bill to the energy bank was not enough to release the full potential of conservation and solar energy. But this funding was perceived to be a good beginning, and believed that the experience of the coming years will prove the worth these alternatives to continue oil imports. He further argued that the United States government must devise an effective national strategy to break the hold of OPEC and energy conservation in our homes and business should be taken as a vital part of that strategy (Congressional Hearings: 1980) The former Clinton Administration stressed that U.S. support for free market reforms directly served U.S. national interests by opening new markets for U.S. goods and services, and sources of energy and minerals. U.S. private investment committed to Central Asia had greatly exceeded. U.S. energy companies have committed to invest billions of dollars in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. U.S. trade agreements have been signed and entered into force with all the Central Asian States. By focusing on Congressional debates on Energy Policy with particular focus on Central Asia, the complexity of policy formulation can be understood. Further the various Hearings held by the Congress have also provided significant evidence that explains the changed nuances of Central Asia policy. It also helps to illustrate the argument that the Congress considered the Central Asian Region very important for US interest. In particular Congressional understanding of the Enormous Energy Export Potential that could ease Americas energy problem went a long way in shaping US policy towards Central Asia. For instance, despite concern on human right violent political movement, US government virtually supported the US government decision to promote a new pipeline from Kazakh to Azerbaijan and from Ceyhan to Turkey. Some analysts have noted that there has been different emphasis on the level of US involvement in the CAR. According to some there have been linkages between the adequate progress in democratisation and improving the human rights. The importance of energy resources to US has been disputed in early phase of 1990. However, the Congressional interest in Central Asia was reflected in the passage of Silk Road in late 1999 which enhanced US policy alteration, humanitarian needs, economic development (including energy pipelines) and communications, democracy and the creation of civil societies in the South Caucasian and Central Asia. The Bush energy policy was directed towards securing cheap oil because US oil consumption was below projected to increase by one-third over the next two decades. The white House during Bush Administration also had for greater domestic drilling and wants to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to the oil industry. The Administrations National Energy Policy Development Group, led by Vice President Dick Cheney, acknowledged in a May 2001 report that US oil production will fall 12% over the next 20 years. As a result US dependence on imported oil which has risen to a great extent (CRS Report: 2005). September 11 brought with it a dramatic reconfiguration of the entire international security environment as well as a fundamental shift in the ranking of American foreign and security priorities. Virtually every other foreign policy priority was now subordinated to the effort to create an anti-terrorist coalition (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). It is observed that the September 11 attack on the World Trade Centre and Pentagon has underlined the connection between oil and politics. When it became confirmed that the most of the hijackers were from Saudi Arabia, it impacted on the oil market to a great extent. Since Saudi Arabia constitutes one fourth of the total petroleum reserves, United States had to look for some other alternative sources in order to fulfill its energy requirement. United States is dependent on foreign oil for its 58% of energy requirement which is likely to increase up to 65% by 2020 (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). The counterstrike of September 11 shattered the old barriers and opened new horizons. The United States Congress acknowledged the importance of the Central Asian republic for the fulfillment of its oil requirement in the 107th Congress. It was acknowledged that the Central Asian Region is inflicted with terrorist activities and hence consequently political instability. The support from the Congress and the administration was urged. It was argued that the US assistance in developing these new economics will be crucial to business success. A strong technical assistance progress throughout the region was endorsed. After September 11 Washingtons approval of more than US$1.4 billion for the economic recovery of barren and battle scarred Afghanistan provides the Bush administration with possible insurance for deepening its petro-political sphere of influence along Russias boarder in the form of revived Trans-Afghan pipeline. Further it was realized by the US energy analysts that the vast reservoir of oil and gas can be protected by the deployment of US special operations forces to Georgia because it will neutralize Russias influence in the region. It is noteworthy that the Vice president Dick Cheney, former CEO of the oil services company Halliburtons also a veteran of the American oil industrys presence in the Caspian Basin is sufficient to manifest the US presence in the region With almost $30 billion already invested by US oil companies in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan, the suggested Afghan route would cost only one-half the amount of the other alternative which would run through Georgia to Turkeys Mediterranean coast ( Alam :2002:5-26). The Caspian Sea region is widely viewed as important to world markets because of its large oil and gas reserves. Most Energy Company regards the Caspian Basin as the Persian Gulf of the 21st century. In Central Asia and elsewhere, America found new friends in hour of need. It can be said that the Sept. 11 have awakened many Americans to the interdependence to the even -smaller world, to their vulnerability especially in energy. The growing American stake in Central Asia is one response to that. It can be said that the American war against terrorism has also become a battle to control the energy resources of the Central Asian Region. Since Central Asian region can offer the United States a rare opportunity to diversify world oil supply, it could be one of the most important areas of US foreign policy. However, in Washington D.C., and especially in the US congress, foreign policy tends to be an elitist sport. Few members of the Congress focus on foreign policy and accepted by the most of the Americans. As a result, few members of the congress view foreign policy and the Caspian region in strategic terms. The Central Asian Region is viewed by the most members of the congress through one or more of the following perspectives- The Azerbaijan- Armenia issue US policy towards Iran US policy towards Russia Partition and domestic politics. Among the four factors mentioned above, the fourth one i.e. that is partition and domestic politics is perhaps the most important. Members of the Congress tend to be overly responsive to their domestic constituents and some even support certain ethnic groups as a way to raise campaign contribution. This leads to a phenomenon termed ethnic politics. Critics argued that ethnic politics have driven US policy towards both Azerbaijan and Iran (Congressional Hearing: 2001). In order to understand the attitude of Congress towards the Central Asian Region in the aftermath of Sept. 11 attack on World Trade Centre (WTC) and Pentagon, the congress role towards Azerbaijan-America issue, Iran, and Russia requires a brief consideration. The Azerbaijan-Armenia issue On the Azerbaijan Armenia issue, congress tends to favour Armenia and uses foreign aid legislation as a means of exerting pressure on Armenias neighbors particularly Azerbaijan and Turkey. The most obvious example of this is the section 907 at the Freedom Support Act which prohibits US government aid to the government of Azerbaijan. Concern over the plight of Azeri refugee and the increasing importance of United States investment in the Azeri oil sectors; have led Congress to adjust section 907 incrementally each year since it took effect in January 1993. Nevertheless, Congressional attitude towards the region began to change significantly in 1997. The changes occurred for several reasons: The presidential elections in Armenia appeared to be less than free and fare this damaged Armenias image on Capitol Hill and embarrassed lawmaker who had clouted Armenia as the democratic ideal for the region. Some members of the congress thought the Armenia lobby had gone too far and was out of step with the realities on ground. The Armenian lobby was pushing for what some members of Congress thought was excessive legislation. As the deadline for a decision on the main export pipeline route approaches Congressional interest has continued to rise. There was the increased number of Congressional delegation traveling in the region. At least five delegations visited the region in 1997 including one led by senator McConnell. However, since his trip he has taken a more balanced approach to the region. This is noteworthy because McConnell is the chairman of the Senate appropriations subcommittee on foreign operations, the subcommittee which has jurisdiction over section 907. The House of Representatives, however, continued to reject attempt to weaken section 907. Congress tends to be an incremental body and the facts demonstrate that there is momentum towards making further revisions in section 907. As a result of this increasing momentum it is believed that the US Senate is now positioned to make substantial changes in 907. Senate headway will be critical because progress will have to be made in a House-Senate c onference committee and the House of Representatives continues to be solidly on the side of Armenia and is likely to support a significant softening or repeal of S.907. A major problem especially in the House is that section 907 is not on the radar screen for most Representatives since 907 is usually inserted into the foreign operations appropriations legislation at the subcommittee level, only 13 House member-less than 3% have an opportunity to vote up or down on 907 each year (Congressional Hearing:1997). Congressional attitude towards Iran: Iran is the most stable country politically and economically bordering the Caspian, and offers the most attractive pipeline routes: it is important to understand congressional attitude towards that country. Congress is opposed to Iran and has limited the Clintons administrations flexibility in dealing with it. In this respect, Congress has played a significant role. In the opinion of Congress no country undermines American interest more than Iran. Since the Iranian revolution the United States has sought to isolate Iran diplomatically and politically and more recently economically. Congress has passed the Iran-Libya Sanction Act (ILSA). This act was passed without a single member of congress voting against the sanctions. Congress has rarely adopted any controversial piece of legislation unanimously which have a wide range of implications. This law is causing problem for the companies trying to move Caspian oil to market. US companies are prohibited from partnering with Iranian firms in the Caspian (CRS Report: 2003). US Policy towards Russia Another regional issue clouding Congress view of the region is US policy towards Russia. Congress is skeptical of Russia, and its relations with Iran. For many members of Congress opposing the Soviet Union was a major pillar in their political philosophy during 1980s. Today there are still resident effects of this cold war attitude especially Republican party. In 1997 dozens of bills were introduced seeking to impose sanctions on Russia. Congress has consistently opposed Russian efforts of nuclear cooperation with Iran. Congress views the possible pipeline alternative through Russia, southern route through Iran, eastern route through Afghanistan and western rout through Georgia and Today Congressional view of the pipeline can be summed up in three ways: congress is opposed to pipelines routes through Iran, Congress is skeptical of routes through Russia, and is dubious of routes through Afghanistan. Turkey and Georgia are the only options in view of the Congress. Therefore, it is obvious why Congress has expressed support for pipeline along an east-west axis. This also helps to explain why the US government (Congress and the administration) are increasingly calling the Baku Ceyhan route the preferred route because it belongs NATO, ally, and avoid Iran and Russia. During 1998, Congress continued to advocate isolation of Iran and continue the incremental progress in US relations with Azerbaijan. While formulating energy policy for the United States, Congress is the preeminent force. But congress is a house divided. Its authority is dispersed between the two chambers. It is due to the fact that its members are usually torn by the conflicting claims of local and national interest. In spite of having fragmented opportunity it can be expected for policy innovation. On the brighter side, the United States has important energy interests in Central Asia. With its recent energy resources, Kazakhstan could become one of the largest oil exporters in the world. The United States has a strong interest in this oil getting to the world market at reasonable prices via multiple pipelines (Congressional Hearings: 1998). The 107th Congress supported governments efforts to promote a new pipeline from Kazakhstan to Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey, the gateway to the entire Western oil market. It was also acknowledged that in addition to energy interests, the United States also has a strong interest in working with the existing Central Asia governments on combating drugs and on divesting themselves of their weapons of mass destruction materials ( Congressional Hearings:2001). Finally, domestic security concerns for the Central Asian region particularly about violent political movements also got due consideration. The world gets nearly hal

The Case Against Standardized Tests Essay -- Standardized Testing Essa

Standardized testing assesses students, teachers, and the school itself, which puts a great deal of pressure on the students. High scores show that the school is effective in teaching students, while low test scores make teachers and schools look as though they are not teaching the students properly. This is not always the case. There are teachers who do teach students what they need to know to pass the test, but their students are still unprepared. Although teachers try to improve instruction, student performance is still variable to other factors that the school cannot control. Standardized tests cover certain material, which gives teachers something specific to teach. This is helpful, in that it allows teachers to know exactly what to teach. It also sets up a goal for the teachers, which is to get the students to pass. However, this process leaves something to be desired. Because the test is so important to the future of the students, teachers, and school, helping students to pass test becomes the most important part of their schooling. This restricts the educators from teaching students about things that are more important. College is usually next step for students after high school so it would seem logical that high school prepares them for college, but teachers are so busy preparing students for the test that they are not preparing them for the future. Consequently, students arrive at college ill-prepared, with shallow educations (Gitlin). For some students, the time they have in the classroom is not enough for them to grasp the topic. While teachers usually offer a period for students to see them for extra help, some students do not have time for this. Most students have commitments outside of the classroom, such as m... ... the student’s full knowledge of the subject. Many standardized test leave out material that students spent months learning, making the time they spent on this material a total waste (Worthen). Works Cited Evans, Donia. "The Case Against Standardized Tests." The Meridian Star. 24 Nov. 2013. The Meridian Star. 01 Dec. 2013 . Gitlin, Todd. â€Å"TheLiberal Arts in an Age of Info-Glut.† The Language of Composition: Reading, Writing, and Rhetoric. Ed. Shea, Renee H., Lawrence Scanlonn, and Robin Dissin Aufses. Boston: Bedford, 2008. 155-157. Print. Worthen, Blaine R., and Vicki Spandel. "Putting the Standardized Testing Debate in Perspective." Educational Leadership Feb. 1991: 65-69. ASCD. 1 Dec. 2013 .

Hemingway alleges

In this work I’m going to examine and compare two stories wrote by Hemingway â€Å"A clean well-lighted place† and Faulkner â€Å"The rose for Emily†. This two stories touch upon the same theme-loneliness, but despite this fact the old man (from Hemingway story) and Emily (from Faulkner story) act in different ways towards the society.As for the old man (from Hemingway story) both symbolically and physically, he finds refuge in drinking brandy in this pleasant atmosphere of the coffee. The younger waiter doesn’t understand neither psychological nor spiritual dimension of the problem; hence, he cares only about not getting to go home in time. But the older waiter is like the old man, he understands him, has stared into the Great Nada, the â€Å"nothing he knew all too well.†This completely nihilistic ideology celebrates individuals, like the old waiter and the man, who find a method of coping with life’s obstacles in exquisite, majestic way.   However the old man drinks, he isn’t harsh or naughty, but considerate and civil.   Despite the obvious sufferings in his life (since he attempts felo-de-se), he doesn’t lose his serenity, he controls himself, showing dignity under compression.   Such grace, Hemingway alleges, should be the aim of every human being.I think that the main idea of this story is unity and solidarity of people. The older waiter utters his solidarity with the old man. But the young waiter doesn’t understand this problem at all he is rather self-sufficient and selfish person. The eldest waiter and the old man seem very lonely and sick and tired of life. He comprehends his severities and protected him; he also prefers to a clean, well-lighted cafà ©, to the bar; he is also looking for such place to prevent his own hopelessness at night.The climax of the story agrees closely with the climax of the solidarity theme. It comes in its final line: ‘‘He disliked bars and bo degas. A clean, well-lighted cafe was a very different thing. Now, without thinking further, he would go home to his room. He would lie in the bed and finally, with daylight, he would go to sleep. After all, he said to himself, it's probably only insomnia.Many must have it.†Ã‚  Hemingway wanted to say in â€Å"A Clean, Well-Lighted Place† and this idea runs through all of his literature: there is no God, no significance to this world, and man must step by step find something to bewilder himself from this terrible truth.At the end of the older waiter attempts to convince himself that may be this terrible futility     is such an escape in â€Å"a clean well-lighted place†.   This is a synthetic light, which was made by one man for another man, yet it is the only method to escape the darkness of real life, which is filled with nothing significant.As for the style of the story, from my point of view, this novel is rather brief and facile so this style is called â€Å"minimalism† in its aesthetics (the word aesthetics refers to how the author tells his story). In this style one uses the concept of the minimum building blocks, which are necessary to realize the process of telling a story. Hemingway uses simple poetic diction, usually monosyllabic words of Anglo-Saxon, as antagonistic to Latin, origin.As for Grammar, he uses simple sentences; actually this is his style of writing. The story is lack of figurative language – no metaphor or simile, for example. Character and plot are minimized. These three characters do not even have names. All that happens is that the two waiters talk, the old man drinks, and then they all go home. There is little figurative language—no metaphor or simile, for example.